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The 96-year-old child


Ontlametse Phalatse’s appearance started changing soon after she was born. Her mother suspected cancer. But as the years passed, Ontlametse’s body aged rapidly but struggled to grow. Today, she is the only known black female in the world living with an extremely rare premature ageing disease.

By David A Steynberg



The taxis are already passing 12-year-old Ontlametse Phalatse's bedroom window as she wakes up. It's 6am and today is a gift – just like every other day she wakes up is a gift.
Shuffling in her winter pyjamas, the cold wind howling outside and in her corrugated roof, she starts her day by brushing her teeth and drinking her pills. There are many different kinds of pills she has to take: one for her stomach, one with calcium and the other with Vitamin D; two pill boxes come from America. She doesn't know what they are called, but since she started taking them, there have been some improvements. Her mother, Bella, agrees that there have been some improvements, but not enough to give her much hope.
Dressed in her white, ironed school shirt, her collars poking outside her red jersey, Ontlametse waits on the corner for a taxi to take her to school. Though she is 12 years old, her size and height resemble that of a three- or four-year-old. Her tiny frame has contributed to her getting hurt before. She was waiting for a taxi when a man, desperate to not miss out on a seat, jumped over Ontlametse and hit her so hard she lay in the dust crying. Her collarbone had snapped.
She jumps from the taxi, the ground far away, and walks to greet her school friends. She dares not tell them that her time is shorter than theirs. She doesn't want to hurt them. So, instead, she listens diligently in class – her favourite subject being social science, English and arts and culture after school.
It wasn't always so easy to concentrate in the classroom. Besides the usual childish taunts, some of Ontlametse's teachers picked on her. They would wrongly say she was HIV-positive because of her appearance. She would cry a lot to her mother.
Her appearance was a mystery to her and her mother until she turned 10. Before that, it was suspected that she had anything from childhood cancer to a worsening skin condition.
The day the doctors were able to tell her that she had progeria was the day she was able to accept herself and her fate. Her condition affected children, making their bodies age rapidly. She was ageing eight times faster than what she should have been. It was only when Ontlametse was two months old that her mother noticed something was wrong. Her daughter's skin refused to moisturise, and at around 11 or 12 months little Ontlametse's hair started falling out until she had none left.
Sometimes Ontlametse has to answer questions to which she has no answers: like why her head has no hair and why her voice is small and squeaky. She doesn't always know why but she does try to educate people about progeria: it affects her joints, makes her bones brittle and her sensitive skin bruises easily. She has ailments only gogos complain about. And because of the nature of progeria, being 12 years old makes her body as old as that of a 96-year-old.
Ontlametse knows that the average lifespan for a child with progeria is 13 years – though some have lived well into their 20s. She knows how precious her time here is and appreciates each day. A day that God provides – like the meaning of her name.
After school Ontlametse goes to drama practice where she plays the baby in the upcoming school play. It’s easy to fit in a cot or pram when your mother buys your clothes in the three- to four-year-old section, and when your shoes are a baby 7.
When she arrives home, her older brother helps her with her homework. She likes him very much because he is nice and looks out for her.
She stands next to the stove as her beautiful mother prepares supper. She can talk to her about anything. Her mother says she must accept her inevitable death; Ontlametse tells her mother she must accept it too. Her mother is the bravest person she knows. It must have been hard when her daddy left because her mother was suddenly a single parent and had to move in with Ontlametse’s gogo. She had no work and had to support her young family on a monthly R1000 disability grant.
One morning a prophet arrived at their door and told Ontlametse’s mother that her daughter should forget about taking her pills and should rather drink pig’s milk. He said that would fix her. Ontlametse, however, accepts herself and wants others to do the same. But, just in case, she stands by her mother as she cooks to make sure she doesn’t put anything funny in the food.
As she eats, Ontlametse sees a story on the News that South Africa is going to lend money to help Swaziland. After that it’s the regular programs on SABC before bedtime.
Her tiny, knobbly hands open the “kiddie locked” pill containers. She swallows each pill in turn before brushing her teeth and heading to her bedroom which she shares with her cousin.
As she waits to fall asleep, she dreams about her mother getting a home of her own: one in the suburbs where it’s beautiful, peaceful, sweet and clean. One where she can have puppy. She dreams about meeting her hero Madiba and going to the sea. Next year she will go to high school and she hopes with all her heart that she will go to Girl’s High in Pretoria. It will be better without any boys around, she think to herself. Girls just understand girl stuff so much better.
As the last taxis take people home, their headlights illuminating her room as they rumble past, she falls soundly to sleep thankful for another day with those she loves.

narrative

Nkosi’s passion


Born Xolani Nkosi, the little black boy with the small frame and big eyes was thrown into the international spot light in his fight to be admitted into school. He was HIV-positive. At the time there was no policy to deal with the admission of an HIV-positive child, despite a Constitution that guaranteed the right to an education, and very little was understood about the methods of transmission. Nkosi won his right to an education, but it was his concern that no HIV-positive mother should be separated from her child, infected or not, which gave birth to the first Nkosi’s Haven on the Berea-Hillbrow border, and the beginning of an amazing legacy.

By David A Steynberg

The purple Jacarandas line the narrow street outside the high-walled Houghton estate, inside which terminally ill gay men cough and come to die. It’s 1991 and the world has known about the HIV/Aids death-sentence for around 10 years now. It is a “gay disease”, according to a conservative, church-going public. A “self-inflicted”, “serves you right” kind of disease. Inside this residence, informally named the Guest House, a little two-year-old boy named Nkosi sits on the lap of a “heterosexual AWB former pilot who crossed the colour line”. Both the little black boy and the white Afrikaner have the “gay disease” in their blood.
“It was the beginning of the black heterosexual pandemic,” says a husky-voiced Gail Johnson, the controversial, round-spectacled mother figure of child Aids-activist, Xolani Nkosi Johnson.
Sitting in a high-backed chair, her darkened office and long, straightened, fire-red hair is momentarily brightened by the oversized yellow lighter held to the cigarette between her lips. Based at Nkosi’s Haven Village, characterized by its colourful cottages, the facility sits nestled atop a misty hill overlooking the road that leads to Orange Farm and Sebokeng on Johannesburg’s far South Rand. Here, over 30 destitute mothers, their children and orphans, all either affected or infected by HIV, live in a kibbutz-style system where all activities are shared among those old and healthy enough to work. In exchange, they are fed three meals a day, receive counseling, earn a stipend and their children are schooled from preschool to the completion of their tertiary studies.
It has been 10 years since one of the world’s most vocal child Aids activists entered a coma he would never wake up from, passing away in the haven he inspired. During this time two Nkosi-inspired homes for HIV-positive, destitute mothers and their children have become fully functional, with a similar-modeled farm slowly taking shape; prevention of mother to child transmission (PMTCT), something Nkosi criticized the Mbeki administration of not taking seriously enough, is every HIV-positive mother and her unborn child’s right to receive; and no HIV-positive child can today be discriminated against by not being admitted into a school based on their status. Gail believes that if Nkosi was alive today, the 22-year-old would be happy about the progresses made.
Nkosi’s story begins on February 4, 1989 when 21-year-old Nonhlanhla Daphne Nkosi gives birth to her second child, a boy she names Xolani – her first was a girl she named Mbali.
Living in Newcastle, KZN Nonhlanhla decides to leave the small supermarket she works at for a better life in Johannesburg. Moving in with her maternal grandmother in the township of Daveyton, Nonhlanhla gets a job at a hair dresser in the Benoni CBD washing and sweeping up white women’s hair clippings.
But Xolani is a sickly child, his chest forever wheezing, his nose running and refusing to feed. A worried Nonhlanhla takes her baby to the local clinic where he is diagnosed with TB. Soon after this, she will discover that she is HIV-positive; this means her son has the virus too.
“Nkosi must have been one of the first infected children because he was born in ’89,” Gail tells people. “We got a call at the Guest House one day asking if we took in children. I thought ‘why not?’ and then I thought ‘how?’”
This was the moment the pandemic changed for Gail. “Suddenly we had a little infected black kid who was two years old who was obviously diagnosed when his mother was diagnosed. She lived in Daveyton and was petrified to take him back home.”
Nonhlanhla takes Xolani to the Aids Clinic at Hillbrow Hospital where she hears about a hospice-type facility in the leafy, up market suburb of Houghton. She is told that it serves mainly white men afflicted with Aids, but she is assured that they will inquire if space can be made for Xolani. It is agreed, and a cot is prepared at the Guest House.
“All the gay boys adored him and pampered him,” Gail says, attempting to light another cigarette – the gas and flint agreeing to disagree. She adds that because HIV made everyone equal in the home, Nkosi (as he ended up being referred to because the click in his name was too difficult for some in the home to pronounce) remained protected from the discrimination that existed outside the estate walls. “Many gay men were only finding out their status or their friends were lying in the Guest House. It was a terrible time for them,” Gail remembers, her voice straining. “What was tragic was one guy who, when he walked in and was hugged by us, burst into tears. He hadn’t been physically touched in three years! Not a hand shake, not a hug…nothing!”
It is probably unsurprising that costs overtook income – a result of a non-supportive and highly homophobic community. In November 1991 a decision is taken to close the Guest House’s doors at the end of January the following year. But what to do with Nkosi? His mother is still unable to care for him and Gail can’t bear putting him in another home. “I said I would take him – he knew us,” Gail says. “There was the Sacred Heart Foundation in Kensington and another place in Boksburg, but I thought how can you screw a little kid around like this? He goes from township sick into a hospital, into the Guest House and then into this place with more strangers - all in three years.”
Nonhlanhla was still working in Daveyton, according to Gail, and would ask if Nkosi could visit her. Gail always complied, emphasizing that she never “took” Nkosi away from Nonhlanhla, but that circumstances forced both women into this situation. “She gave him up because of circumstance. She had no alternative but to keep on working to put Mbali through school,” Gail explains. “She was petrified that the community would find out that she had an infected child because that made her infected too.”
By the time Nkosi turns five, he has been living with Gail, her husband, Alan and daughter Nicci for two years. He is part of the Johnson family and one of his favourite things is going to Kayalami because Alan is a member of the Guild of Motoring Journalists. While he is soon accepted by the Johnson's social circle, other women pull Gail aside and ask if she washes his bed linen separately, if she keeps his cutlery apart from the rest of the family's and if she wears gloves when picking him up.
“Nkosi taught people, by his very existence, that HIV was transmitted mother-to-child via blood or through sex,” she says. “And not by hugging him or by eating off the same spoon!”
Teaching Nkosi about his own disease was about teaching him his own responsibilities to himself and those around him. He had “baddies” in his blood, Gail would tell him, explaining that the vitamins she was giving him helped to fight off the baddies. “He also knew his baddies could be bad for someone else,” Gail says, adding that other mothers’ ignorance regarding HIV and infection often angered her. “Other people’s children were actually more dangerous to him because he was the one with the compromised immune system. They could sneeze on him; chicken pox could kill him.”
In one year Nkosi would learn the meaning of discrimination, fear, stigma and prejudice, as well as the answer to his question of “does everyone who has Aids, die?”
It is the beginning of 1997; Nkosi is seven turning eight and he keeps asking Gail why he is not in school yet. Gail has already applied for Nkosi to attend Melpark Primary in Melville. On the form, where it asks if Nkosi suffers from anything, Gail writes HIV/Aids. “Nkosi was well known in the community around the school,” Gail says. “If someone saw him at school and created havoc, I thought let’s rather be honest and have the havoc now before he gets admitted.”
An urgent governing body meeting is called where the admission of a little black, HIV-positive boy is discussed. Split down the middle, no decision is made on Nkosi’s admission. “The Star phoned me the next day informing me about the meeting,” Gail says. “One mother even wanted to wrap her child in Cling Wrap!”
While Gail fights to have Nkosi admitted - his plight making international headlines - his mother Nonhlanhla passes away in her sleep at her father’s house in Newcastle. “His mom’s death really drove home the reality of Aids at the time,” Gail tells us. “He said, ‘mommy never said goodbye’. And that ‘it’s not right for children to be separated from their mommies because of Aids.’”
This is the moment Nkosi the boy becomes Nkosi the Aids activist. He continually asks Gail what is happening with the other children who have Aids. He knows they exist because he sees them on the News. Are they also going to be separated from their mommies like he was?
“I just wish that the government can start giving AZT to pregnant HIV mothers to help stop the virus being passed on to their babies…I think government must start doing it because I don’t want babies to die,” Nkosi bravely says at the opening speech at the 13th International Aids Conference in Durban in 2000.
While many people have an idealised idea of Nkosi, speaking to Gail it soon becomes clear that he was a normal, sometimes naughty, little boy. Lighting yet another cigarette, Gail paints a picture not too many people are familiar with.
When Nkosi was finally admitted to the school Gail fought so hard to get him into, Gail was told that she shouldn’t expect a report card. She understood. Nkosi had been touring a lot and was sometimes not at school. But that wasn’t the reason. Nkosi hadn’t attended his classes all year! He would often be spotted walking the corridors and greeting the teachers or talking with the gardener. Even the school principal let him get away with it. He would often, according to the principal, come to the office and ask if he could have a pizza.
Nkosi loved pizza, according to Gail. But she rarely allowed him to eat it because its oiliness gave him diarrhea. It was an obsession that drove him to steal money out of a woman’s purse one Sunday while she was praying in church.
Despite this, Gail remembers Nkosi as a child with a compassion like no other. His wish for HIV-positive mothers and their children to remain together led to the first Nkosi’s Haven being opened on April 14, 1999.
“He loved that place, and he was like royalty there,” Gail says. “He couldn’t understand why people were being kicked out of their homes just because they were infected. The moms and their children were telling him their stories. If Nkosi could have opened 50 bloody Havens a year he would have – no doubt about it. That was his compassion!”

narrative

Poverty is a racist


Over 200 poor white South Africans live in Coronation Caravan Park, a white squatter camp bordering Krugersdorp. We pay a visit and see many areas: some of progress and some of regression.

By David A Steynberg


The road to the Coronation Caravan Park on the outskirts of Krugersdorp is characterized by faded overhead signs pointing to Roodepoort, Bloemfontein and Cape Town, as well as an imposing mine dump which blocks the horizon.
Ninety-nine percent of the residents in this park are white squatters who once lived in previously whites-only neighbourhoods, and enjoyed employment protection in the civil service despite many receiving little formal education. Every man and woman here has a before-and-after story.
Sixteen years into the New South Africa, trade union Solidarity says that 450 000 white South Africans live below the poverty line. It adds that of this number, 430 000 live in squatter camps.
Many poor whites will finger preferential employment policies for black workers, while the global economic recession has also played a part in retrenchments and the slow pace of rehiring. Most of the whites in this camp did have jobs – people like carpenter Glen Thomas, painter and carpenter Renier Bezuidenthout and motor mechanic Nico Vorster. Reasons for landing up here include being victims of circumstance, liquidated companies and poor retirement plans, and failed marriages which knocked them to lows they haven’t been able to get back up from.
It’s a strange feeling to be approached for money by a poor white person at a robot around the corner from the park – especially in a country where the perception is that a white skin represents wealth and fortune, not pain and poverty.
But here in this previously leafy caravan park, which is still frequented by fishermen and picnicking families on weekends, hope comes in the form of Hugo van Niekerk – a heavily bearded man with soft eyes and strong hands.
When we meet Hugo he is organizing which residents will clean the lone, shared ablution block on which days. “It’s one hour a month,” he says, the list of names in his hand flapping in the icy Highveld wind.
Hugo and his wife, Irene, moved here a few years ago and decided to stay. “It was being badly managed and there was lots of crime and violence,” he tells people. “The residents voted me in and so now I’m here.”
Hugo came to live here permanently by choice, and it’s clear by the all the residents who approach him for help and advice, that he is the go-to man if you need a job or if you want your money from a non-paying contractor. Over and over we listen to stories of men doing work for contractors, like sanding floors and painting walls, only to not be paid when the job is done. “There’s nothing more that upsets me than people who exploit others,” Hugo tells us as we walk towards Manna’s stand. “Why must you kick a man when he’s down? Now, when someone else wants to give these people a job they’re more reluctant to take it because what if they are not paid again? They’ve all got families to feed!”
We enter the dark and stuffy, but surprisingly roomy, container-home of Manna Engelbrecht – a toothless 52-year-old who looks a lot older than he really is. Manna has been here for six years after losing his job as a “moto mac foreman”. “He’s a brilliant carpenter,” red-haired Tokkie Foord says from behind us. “He can make anything. Grandfather clocks, guitars, anything!”
Manna is one of those salt of the earth guys; the crazy uncle with the endless stories that everyone loves. He sits up in his bed, still a little drunk from the empty vodka bottle on his bedside table, picks up his nylon-stringed guitar and plays us a little diddle which he sings in Afrikaans, then English, before switching back to Afrikaans. He greets us and laughs, opening his gummed mouth, after stumping us with his repertoire of card tricks.
Hugo then takes us to meet one of “those” couples who ended up returning to their caravan after a job in Durban never materialized.
We hear Petrus Lottering before we see him – the sound of chopping wood echoing from his stand. It’s a sound that characterizes this place, especially on windy winter mornings when women in blue wooly gowns and slippers tend to their colloquially-named “donkeys” (drums used as makeshift geysers).
Fifteen-month-old Leanne stands dangerously close to her father, Petrus, as he splices a tree stump in half with his wedge and hammer. Lorraine calls her daughter from inside their container-home: “Leanne kom weg my engeltjie.” (Leanne get away from there my angel).
Twenty-six-year-old Lorraine tells us that she actually has two children, but that because of her situation she can’t keep her other child. The look in her eyes suggests her child has been removed from her care.
She and her 30-year-old husband have lived in this caravan park on and off for the past four years, each time following broken promises for the opportunity to work. “Last time we were offered a job in Durban,” she says from inside her tuck shop. “We sold a lot and took our bags on the bus with us down to Durban. But that fell through.” 
In a few months Lorraine will be able to take her little Leanne to the park’s stimulation group where she will learn colours, shapes and numbers.
Ronel Barnard, who once worked for the municipality but says she always wanted to be a teacher, is in charge of the 12 children aged two to five who come each day to this Wendy house-type classroom, with its plastic chairs and pictures on the wall, to learn through play. It’s especially cold today so only six children have pitched up. There’s English-speaking Scottie with his mat of blond hair and grey-blue eyes, and five-year-old Nadine with her wind-swept hair who will certainly have no problem in “big school” next year. She’s outgoing, intelligent and proudly sings us a rendition of the school song from memory.   
Scottie and Nadine are just two of the 54 children who stay in caravans, tents and container-home structures at Coronation Park. Ages here range from one- and two-week-old babies to the oldest being 70 years old. Currently, 220 people call this pine tree filled park home following an incident with the Mogale City council last year which saw about 200 residents pack their bags. The council reportedly wanted to use the land as a fan park during the World Cup. Hugo appealed the application and won on behalf of the community. “A lot of people left and didn’t return,” Hugo tells us. “I can now only keep 220 people here and have to turn away so many. There would be over a thousand here if I was allowed to let more people in.”
Today, while we’re visiting the park, many of the young children and teenagers are scattered in three surrounding schools. But when they get back, they will have the opportunity to work on their assignments and homework in the afterschool facility which is equipped with a dated series of Collin’s Encyclopaedias and a computer that no longer works. “There are about 22 children who use this room to study,” Hugo says, adding that since setting it up “it has made a positive difference”. A four-page assignment on the San Bushmen, written in primary school cursive, boasts a mark of 36 out of 40.
From academic results like this, and with bright young children about to enter their own formal education careers, it seems that deep-seated beliefs die hard: while chatting to Glen, we watch as a young, middle-class black couple walk through the camp, stopping every now and again to talk with a resident at his or her stand. Later, we discover that the black couple was offering a job to anyone who was willing to clean their house. Despite the couple being sincere, and the fact that some of the people here desperately need the money, what one of the women told us will not easily be forgotten: “I’ll never do that. I still have my pride.”
It’s clear that what the children of Coronation Park will need if they are to have a future of any significance is a proper, values-based education which discourages poverty – both black and white – and not one that reinforces it through racial prejudice.

narrative

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